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Category: Rights

Academia / General / Migration / Rights / Social justice

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Limits of language promotion

This post is written by Dr. Seunghyun Song (Assistant professor, Tilburg University). Based on her research on linguistic justice, she provides a tentative answer to the issue of the limits of the linguistic territoriality principle and its aim to protect languages. She uses the Dutch case as a proxy for these discussions.

Image by woodleywonderworks from Flickr (Creative Commons)

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Territoriality: what is it and why is it nice?

In philosophical terms, promotion and protection of languages found within its territory is called language policies that operate on the so-called territoriality principle (e.g. Van Parijs). Such language policies are found commonly around the world, such as Belgium, Canada, Spain, etc. I am for this territoriality principle. Let me just start with that. It is not only because of speakers of certain languages, where I wish their language-related interests to be met, but also because of the worth of seeing a unique language thrive.

Linguistically ‘wealthy’ want to get richer?

But where does the limit of territorial language policies lie? I think the limit lies depending on the current distribution of resources, for instance. In my view, a problem begins when already thriving linguistic groups impose policies to further their chances.

To illustrate what I mean, consider the academic linguistic scene in the Netherlands as an actual example (note, that similar circumstances may be happening in many other contexts as well).

In the past decade, English has been long embraced as the medium of instruction in Dutch higher education. This is partly due to the Dutch higher education heralding internationalization as one of its main virtues. And this rising dominance of English in Dutch higher education has been especially palpable after Brexit, where many international programs taught in English were offered widely to lure European international students (e.g., Erasmus students)

Recently, said presence of English as one of the (if not the) main tool of communication has triggered political scrutiny and concern. For instance, the Minister of Education, Culture and Science in the current Dutch government Eppo Bruins worried, “over the past several years international student numbers have grown sharply [in the Netherlands], resulting in … diminishing use of Dutch as the language of instruction.”

Significant attempts have been made to reverse this linguistic trend in the Netherlands, where the use of English increases while the use of Dutch diminishes. To restore Dutch as the main language of instruction, an educational bill named “Wet Internationalisering in Balans” (translated in English as “Internationalization in Balance”) was submitted to the House of Representatives in May 2024, which requires two-thirds of bachelor’s degrees to be taught in Dutch. As education minister Robbert Dijkgraaf describes, the bill allows “room in the curriculum for another language, but … it should not be more than a third. That means that most of your education is in Dutch.” This bill was explicitly stated as the means to restore Dutch as the norm in Dutch higher education and to safeguard Dutch citizens’ access to higher education.

The effects of this bill were palpable, especially at the level of informal practices. In some universities, while the majority of hires before the introduction of the bill included many international candidates with no Dutch proficiency, after the introduction of the bill, many of the hires (whether for fixed-term lecturer positions or assistant professorships) prioritized those who spoke Dutch as their primary or native language. One may argue that the bill has impacted the hiring process in Dutch University to become more local, if not nationalist.

Why is this a problem?

The problem consists of linguistic minorities being pushed away even further with such bills. Often, there are the costs of promoting and protecting a language, especially when a linguistically well-off groups impose further regulations to those who are not really thriving. This linguistic turn in Dutch academia may marginalize linguistic minorities in academia, enabling objectionable hierarchal relations among academics by dividing them into different linguistic groups: Dutch speakers and non-Dutch speakers.

So, although I am in agreement with territorial language policies, I do think it should come with a limit. When the groups who are already linguistically ‘wealthy’ wants to get richer, perhaps the implementation of strong territorial language policies may come with unwanted problems, such as the hierarchy of linguistic groups within said territory.

On the other hand, if territorial language policies are used for linguistic minorities who don’t have the such resources, who face the threat of language endangerment or more, then the worry may not arise (see Song 2023).  Thus, the limit of territorial language policies lies depending on the current distribution of resources. In my view, a problem begins when already thriving linguistic groups impose policies to further their chances and this should not always be encouraged.

I think there is a worth in looking at current distribution of resources, whether one is privileged or not, before advancing territoriality principle. This way, we check whether the current status is unfair, linguistically speaking, and aim at how the world may be changed for the better.

Dr. Seunghyun Song is an Assistant Professor at Tilburg University (The Netherlands). Before coming to Tilburg, she was at KU Leuven (Flanders, Belgium), where she held FWO junior postdoc mandate. She also completed her PhD at KU Leuven prior to her postdoc there. Her main area of expertise is in linguistic justice and intergenerational justice. She is particularly interested in issues of reparative justice, historical injustice, and structural injustice approach. She is also invested in the field of social epistemology, especially on epistemic injustice and reparation, and lived experiences of marginalisation. 

Migration / Punishment / Rights / Social justice

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Mass Deportation and Migrant Crime

A photograph of a Trump rally during the 2024 US Presidential Election campaign. Trump is visible in the front, and behind him are several rows of fans, some holding signs including "Latinos for Trump" and !Make America Great Again" signs.
President of the United States Donald Trump speaking with supporters at a “Make America Great Again” campaign rally at Phoenix Goodyear Airport in Goodyear, Arizona. (c) Gage Skidmore

This is a guest post by Mario J Cunningham M.

“Mass deportation now!” was the omnipresent motto of banners at the 2024 Trump rallies – replacing the “Build the wall!” of 2016. The re-election of Donald Trump, who openly ran on a mass deportation platform, represents a hard blow for all those concerned about migration justice. The hardening of anti-immigrant rhetoric is now understood as a mandate in the most prominent Western liberal democracy. How should we make sense of this? Paying attention to how this policy was marketed and the role “migrant crime” played in its success sheds light on an often-overlooked normative challenge migrant advocates need to come to terms with.

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Duties / International / Reflections on Ukraine / Rights / War

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Against the Odds: Defending Defensive Wars

A photograph of an apartment building damaged by bomb impacts. In the foreground, a child's climbing frame is visible.
Saltivka, Kharkiv, July 2022. Photography by Aaron J. Wendland

This is a guest post by Professor Gerald Lang (University of Leeds), as part of the Reflections on the Russia-Ukraine War series, organized by Aaron James Wendland. This is an edited version of an article published in Studia Philosophica Estonica. Justice Everywhere will publish edited versions of several of the papers from this special issue over the next few weeks.

Peace is better than war. It takes two to fight. These are truisms: they’re true, but so obvious that they’re not usually worth stating. But they swiftly generate conundrums in the ethics of war in general, and the Ukraine conflict in particular. We can learn something, in my view, from thinking about these conundrums. But we may need to tackle the understandable concern that it’s unhelpfulto explore them at a time when energy and attention levels are flagging in the international community, even though Ukraine remains under attack from Russia and arguably requires all the support, moral and otherwise, that it can get. In some circumstances, indulging in more theoretical speculations—the kind of speculative and hypothetical thinking that forms the daily diet of philosophers of war—may come across as being objectionably detached, or perhaps as just another way of being a useful idiot. These worries deserve careful consideration, not hasty dismissal. If there’s to be a place for serious philosophizing about war, it needs to be reconciled with the more engaged concerns of those who care deeply about the Ukraine war but lack specifically philosophical concerns about it.

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International / Reflections on Ukraine / Rights / War

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Just War Theory and The Russia-Ukraine War

A photograph of male and female Ukrainian soldiers standing in a line.
Ceremony on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Photo: President of Ukraine, Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Public Domain

This is a guest post by Professor Jeff McMahan (Oxford University), as part of the Reflections on the Russia-Ukraine War series, organized by Aaron James Wendland. This is an edited version of an article published in Studia Philosophica Estonica. Justice Everywhere will publish edited versions of several of the papers from this special issue over the next few weeks.

There are three wars currently in progress in Ukraine: the war between Russia and Ukraine, the Russian war against Ukraine, and the Ukrainian war against Russia. It is necessary for the purpose of evaluation to make these distinctions, for the first of these wars is, like the Second World War (understood as a war between allied and axis powers), neither just nor unjust. Only a war fought by one or more belligerents against an opponent can be just or unjust. Many or most of what we refer to as wars consist of a just war on one side and an unjust war on the other – or, to be more precise, a war with predominantly just aims on one side and a war with predominantly unjust aims on the other.

There is no credible understanding of a just war according to which the Russian war against Ukraine is a just war. It is a wholly unprovoked war of aggression intended by those who initiated it – primarily Putin – to conquer Ukraine, annex its territory, and assimilate its population. The motives of the war’s planners are doubtless many and various but some stand out as obvious and dominant. One is to expand the Russian empire until it is at least coextensive with its earlier boundaries under the tsars and the post-revolutionary Soviet dictators. Another motivation echoes the American concern about “falling dominoes” as a reason for invading Vietnam. Many of the states that were ruled by Soviet puppet regimes during the Cold War have, since the dissolution of the Soviet Union under Gorbachev, been adopting more and more elements of Western culture, in particular liberalism and democracy. Ukraine was a falling domino that threatened to become a fully independent, economically flourishing democracy in a large border territory that Russia had repeatedly ravaged in the past – a state that would be an example, highly visible to Russians, of an appealing alternative to Putin’s tyrannical kleptocracy.

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Animals / Duties / General / Rights

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Free as a Bird?

We often use visual representations and metaphors involving animals to represent human freedom. Consider, for instance, “It’s time to spread to your wings”, “I couldn’t persuade her to do otherwise. It was like trying to hold back wild horses”, “She’s a bit of a lone wolf”, “A lion does not concern himself with the opinion of sheep”. Conversely, the caged animal often serves as a symbol of human suffering, imprisonment, and oppression.

Yet many philosophers do not think animals have a genuine interest in freedom. For these thinkers, freedom only matters for nonhuman animals insofar as it contributes to their welfare. On such a view, there is nothing wrong with enslaving – if it can be called that – a nonhuman animal provided we can keep them healthy and happy. By contrast, enslaving a human is never acceptable, no matter how happy you can make them. This is because humans (and perhaps a few of the so-called higher animals) have a unique noninstrumental interest in freedom, which means that freedom matters for its own sake and not for the sake of anything else.

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Animals / General / Rights

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Why is the New York Declaration on Animal Consciousness morally important?

© Matt Perry

Last week was a milestone for animals. Prominent scientists, philosophers and policy experts came together to sign the New York Declaration on Animal Consciousness, a statement detailing a consensus that mammals, birds, reptiles, fish, amphibians, cephalopods (like octopuses), crustaceans (like crabs) and even insects most probably have subjective experiences, known as “sentience”.

This may not come as a surprise to many of us, but academic research is often characterised by disagreement. A public announcement of consensus is not only profoundly unusual, it also brings into view just how substantial the evidence is that many more animals have conscious experiences than we often assume.

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Democracy / General / Rights

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Why we need alternative voting methods

Don’t you find it highly frustrating when you want to vote for a person or party you like but you can’t really do it because you know that the person or party has a very low chance of being elected or being part of a coalition government? You may think it’s frustrating yet unavoidable. After all, isn’t it part of what making a choice means to sacrifice some attractive options? Well, no, or so I argue in a recently published article. We have a right to voting methods that allow for a more honest and complex expression of our preferences, that do not force us to sacrifice the expression of our genuine preferences. And the good news is that appealing alternative voting methods exist.

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Duties / General / Liberty / Moral values / Rights / Work

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Invisible discrimination: the double role of implicit bias

In this post, Katharina Berndt Rasmussen (Stockholm University & Institute for Futures Studies) discusses her recently published article in the Journal of Applied Philosophy (co-authored by Nicolas Olsson Yaouzis) exploring the roles that implicit bias and social norms play in discriminating hiring practices.

Image by Roland Steinmann from Pixabay

The US, like many other countries, is marked by pervasive racial inequalities, not least in the job market. Yet many US Americans, when asked directly, uphold egalitarian “colour-blind” norms: one’s race shouldn’t matter for one’s chances to get hired. Sure enough, there is substantial disagreement about whether it (still) does matter, but most agree that it shouldn’t. Given such egalitarian attitudes, one would expect there to be very little hiring discrimination. The puzzle is how then to explain the racial inequalities in hiring outcomes.

A second puzzle is the frequent occurrence of complaints about “reverse discrimination” in contexts such as the US. “You only got the job because you’re black” is a reaction familiar to many who do get a prestigious job while being black, as it were. Why are people so suspicious when racial minorities are hired?

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General / International / Rights / War

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Israel “Is at War with Hamas”, What Does the Ethics of War Say about That?

This is a guest post by Anh Le. Anh currently works in the NGO sector on environmental issues but previously taught at the University of Manchester, where he also got his PhD, writing on the ethics of force short of war.

It’s important to note at the outset that what unfolded on Saturday October 7th in Southern Israel when Hamas fighters overran the Israel – Gaza border, infiltrated deep into Israeli territory, murdered more than a thousand Israelis, and took more than a hundred hostages back across Gaza was a war crime (or at least most of it was, the killing of Israeli soldiers, even if most of them were unarmed can be argued to be the legitimate targeting of combatants in an armed conflict). Equally important to note is how the Israel Defence Force (IDF) has responded to the initial attack also violates the International Humanitarian Law, e.g. the blockade of Gaza, indiscriminate bombings of residential areas. At the time of writing, the IDF hasn’t officially conducted a land invasion of Gaza, although some ground incursions have occurred. In this post, I argue that, contrary to what has been taken as a fact – that Israel has the right to go to war against Hamas following its attack on Israel and the only question that is morally, and legally, relevant is how they go about doing that, a question of jus in bello – it’s not clear if Israel’s war meets the criteria of jus ad bellum – the right to go war, and thus if Israel has a right to go to war against Hamas.

I should first make clear that I will not weigh in on the ethics of the situation between Israel and Palestine. The history is protracted and there are others eminently more qualified to unpack it than myself.

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General / Governance / Rights / Technology

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What Claims Do We Have Over Our Google Search Profiles?

This is a guest post by Hannah Carnegy-Arbuthnott (University of York).

We’ve all done things we regret. It used to be possible to comfort ourselves with the thought that our misadventures would soon be forgotten. In the digital age, however, not only is more of our personal information captured and recorded, search engines can also serve up previously long-forgotten information at the click of a button.

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