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Tagged: inequality

Economics / General / Liberty / Rights

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ARE NUDGES FAILING VULNERABLE POPULATIONS?

In this post, Viviana Ponce de León Solís discusses her article recently published in the Journal of Applied Philosophy on  how nudging interventions can have uneven effects on low-income individuals, potentially worsening inequalities.

Image by Reinhard Dietrich from Wikimedia Commons

Nudges can be powerful tools for influencing behavior, but their impact on vulnerable populations—especially low-socioeconomic status groups (SES)—remains a topic of debate. Research reveals three possible outcomes: these groups may respond more strongly, less strongly, or similarly to nudges compared to the general population. While the type of nudge—cognitive, affective, or behavioral—matters, the real key to success lies in the intervention’s design and its ability to address the unique barriers faced by the target audience. Without careful consideration, “one-size-fits-all” nudges risk deepening inequalities or stigmatizing vulnerable communities.

The rise of nudging: a subtle tool for big change

Nudging, a concept popularized by Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein, has become a go-to strategy for influencing behavior without restricting choice or altering incentives. By subtly reshaping the “choice architecture”—the context in which decisions are made—nudges aim to promote better outcomes in areas like health, finance, and sustainability. Major institutions like the World Bank, the OECD, and the United Nations have integrated nudging into their policies, recognizing its potential to drive social progress. But as its use expands, a critical question emerges: Are nudges truly equitable, or do they inadvertently favor certain groups over others?

Why one size doesn’t fit all

At its heart, nudging leverages insights from dual process theory and bounded rationality, acknowledging that people often rely on instinctive, automatic thinking rather than careful deliberation. However, this approach assumes a uniform response to nudges, overlooking the diverse ways different groups—especially those from low-SES backgrounds—interact with these interventions. For these individuals, factors like financial stress, cognitive load, and limited resources can significantly shape their responses.

The good, the bad, and the unexpected

Some studies reveal that emotionally driven nudges, such as those appealing to feelings of security or community, or behavior-based nudges like default options (e.g., automatic enrollment in energy-saving programs), often resonate strongly with low-SES groups. These interventions simplify decision-making, easing the mental burden for those facing daily financial pressures. In contrast, cognitively oriented nudges, which rely on information dissemination, tend to fall short. For example, a health app encouraging physical activity might fail to reach individuals with limited access to technology or lower digital literacy. Interestingly, some nudges show no significant difference in effectiveness across SES groups, suggesting that equitable outcomes are possible with the right approach.

Ethical dilemma: are nudges fair?

These varied responses raise important ethical questions. If some nudges disproportionately benefit the privileged, they risk widening existing inequalities. For low-SES individuals, barriers like limited resources or systemic inequities can make it harder to adopt these interventions. Moreover, nudges that focus on behavior change without addressing underlying systemic issues may inadvertently stigmatize vulnerable populations, portraying them as deficient or in need of correction. Even the low cost of nudges can backfire, as financial burdens may fall heaviest on those least able to afford them.

Designing nudges that work for everyone

To overcome these challenges, nudges must be carefully tailored to the realities of low-SES populations. Policymakers need to consider cognitive, material, and social barriers, ensuring interventions are accessible and effective for all. Expanding research to include diverse groups in real-world settings is essential, as it provides deeper insights into how nudges function across different contexts. By grounding nudges in evidence and designing them with inclusivity in mind, we can create interventions that truly empower the people they aim to help.

The future of nudging: inclusive and equitable design

The promise of nudging lies not in universal application but in thoughtful, context-aware design. By recognizing the diverse needs of different social groups and addressing the specific barriers faced by disadvantaged communities, we can craft nudges that are both effective and equitable. Longitudinal studies tracking the long-term impact of nudges, combined with qualitative research exploring the lived experiences of those affected, will be invaluable in refining these interventions.

Conclusion: nudging toward a fairer future

In conclusion, as nudging becomes a cornerstone of policy design, its success will depend on our ability to appreciate and address the diverse needs of all societal groups. By designing nudges with inclusivity and contextual awareness at their core, we can unlock their full potential as a force for positive, equitable change. With a commitment to fairness and evidence-based approaches, nudging can help build a future that is not only more effective but also more just for everyone.

Distribution / General / Health / Social justice

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What is the real problem with food deserts?

“Hispanic Sodas Sabor Tropical Supermarket Miami” by Phillip Pessar is licensed under CC BY 2.0.

This is a guest post by Emma Holmes (University of St Andrews/University of Stirling)

Why do some people choose to eat unhealthy food? Earlier this year, Kate Manne – Cornell philosopher and author of several books about misogyny – published Unshrinking, a fascinating and compelling critique of fatphobia. Throughout, she argues against moralising our food choices. There is nothing immoral about wanting to eat greasy, salty, delicious, processed food, says Manne. I agree – but I think she misses something. People’s food preferences are not just random – some people prefer to eat unhealthy foods because their desires have been shaped by an unjust system.

I’ll focus on Manne’s discussion of food deserts to make this point. A so-called ‘food desert’ is a place where there is nowhere nearby or affordable to access healthy food. The term ‘desert’ makes it sound as if this problem is naturally occurring, which it is not – food deserts are the result of urban planning decisions and they disproportionately affect poor people and people of colour. I argue that people who live in food deserts are done an injustice because they are influenced to prefer foods which are bad for their health.  

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Climate / Distribution / Economics / Environment / General

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The climate justice debate has a baseline problem

Humanity faces a number of daunting challenges in the 21st century. Climate change and socioeconomic injustice figure prominently on this list. When it comes to tackling these challenges, two possible strategies divide policy makers.

On the one hand, there are those who point out that addressing either of these problems on their own is a mammoth task, and that taking them on simultaneously is simply utopian. This view sometimes comes with a dose of optimism about technological solutions to climate change. On the other hand, an increasing number of voices argue that climate action can’t be separated from social justice. In particular, advocates of the latter position highlight the “triple inequality of climate change”: The global rich tend to pollute disproportionately and thus bear a heightened responsibility for climate change, the global poor are more vulnerable to its effects, and poor countries have fewer resources available for mitigation and adaptation. In political philosophy, we find a parallel divide between “isolationists” and “integrationists” respectively.

My point here will be to suggest that the case for integrationism is even stronger that even most of its ardent supporters acknowledge. To see why, consider the first of the inequalities mentioned in the previous paragraph. Studies suggest that, across countries, the top decile of polluters are responsible for about 50% of emissions, while the bottom 50% of polluters are only responsible for about 10% of emissions. Wealth strongly correlates with carbon-intensive activities – think everything from private jets and yachts, via mansion-size homes, to multiple trips by airplane per year or multiple cars in a single household.

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Academia / Education / General / Technology

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What’s really at stake with Open Access research? The Case of Sci-Hub and the “Robin Hood of Science”

A mural dedicated to Sci-Hub at UNAM. Txtdgtl, CC BY-SA 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0, via Wikimedia Commons

This is a guest post by Georgiana Turculet (Universitat Pompeu Fabra).

In his recently published “More Open Access, More Inequality in the Academia”, Alex Volacu aptly criticizes present Open Access (OA) policies for giving rise to structural inequalities among researchers, and increasing revenues only for publishers. His analysis is aimed at contextualizing some recent academic events, that is, the board of the well-known Journal of Political Philosophy resigning due to pressures from publishers to increase the intake of open access publications. However, it would benefit from considering the wider context of recent alternative form of resistance to corporate publishers’ pressures.

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