Monthly Archive: October 2026

What Gossip Gets Wrong

In this post, Ali Raza Jatoi discusses his recent article in the Journal of Applied Philosophy on why gossip wrongs us not by breaching privacy or spreading lies, but by shutting us out of the conversation deciding who we are.

Gossip, Charles Haigh-Wood (19th century), oil on canvas. (c) Public Domain.

Think of the last time you told someone about a mutual acquaintance who wasn’t in the room. Maybe you were worried about them and wanted advice on how to help. Or maybe you were speculating about why they got that promotion, that breakup, that demotion. One of these felt fine, even caring. The other felt a bit like backstabbing, even if every word of it was true. Why?

Gossip is not a fringe activity. Researchers estimate that roughly two-thirds of human conversation is evaluative talk about people who aren’t present to hear it. We are not going to stop doing this and probably shouldn’t try. But gossip clearly can go wrong, and the puzzle is explaining what, exactly, goes wrong when it does. In a recent paper, I argue that the standard answers – privacy, harm, dishonesty – all fail, and that the real wrong is exclusion.

Start with privacy. It cannot be the whole story, because gossip about entirely public facts still feels wrong. A colleague speculating about why you didn’t get promoted, using only things everyone already knows, still stings. Harm cannot be the whole story either because gossip that never reaches its target and changes nothing can still feel like a betrayal, purely because it happened. And deception is clearly not the issue, since gossip built entirely on true, verified information is often the most cutting kind of all.

Here is the alternative I defend. Gossip is evaluative talk about an identifiable, absent person, shared with some people but deliberately not with the person it’s about. That person has no chance to correct a mischaracterisation, add context, or push back. Their reputation gets shaped by a conversation they are locked out of. I call this a loss of participatory standing: a legitimate claim to a voice in discourse about oneself, grounded in one’s stake in the outcome, one’s agency over how one is understood, and one’s membership in the community doing the discussing.

This is what the other theories miss. The very same criticism, said to someone’s face and said behind their back, is not morally equivalent, even when the words are identical, because only one version includes them in the conversation that is deciding how they’ll be seen.

Exclusion, though, comes in degrees, and so does the wrong. Praise someone behind their back and they have little reason to demand inclusion since there’s nothing there to contest. Positive gossip is still gossip, but only weakly troubling. Compare: “She’s too humble to say it, but she probably only got the job because they needed a woman on the panel.” Still framed as a compliment, but it smuggles in a claim she would have every reason to challenge. What matters is not whether the tone is warm or hostile. It’s whether there’s anything in the remark the person would want a say in. A stranger’s exclusion also matters less than a close friend’s, since the stakes of the relationship differ. And exclusion is sometimes flatly justified as warning others that someone is dangerous doesn’t require giving them a hearing first.

None of this settles when gossip actually crosses the line, so I propose three further constraints. The first is about standing. Does the target have a real stake in this conversation, through their interests, their say over their own story, or their membership in the community discussing them? If not, exclusion barely registers as a wrong at all. If a friend group is speculating about why Mara stopped drinking, that’s her reputation and her story, and these are her people. She’d want a say. But if a stranger on the train guesses why some guy looked annoyed on the phone, there’s no relationship, no story that follows him, nothing real on the line

The second is about purpose, in particular, is the talk serving a genuine need, like warning someone or working through a hard decision, or is it entertainment at someone’s expense? The third is about justice. Does this gossip, even in a single harmless-seeming instance, prop up an unjust pattern? Speculation that trades on a stereotype about women, or about any marginalised group, carries a structural weight that outstrips the individual conversation, however casually it’s meant.

Put together, these constraints explain why gossip is neither always fine nor always wrong. A worried conversation about a stressed colleague, aimed at figuring out how to support them, passes all three tests easily. Speculative chatter about how a colleague “must have” earned a promotion, dressed up as concern, does not.

I don’t think we can or should try to eliminate gossip. It is too tightly woven into how humans build trust, share information, and hold each other accountable. But we can ask better questions of it. Instead of “is this private?” or “could this cause harm?”, ask: does this person have a stake in what’s being said about them? Would they want a voice here? And if they’ve been excluded, was there a good reason for it? These questions won’t settle every case, but they get at what actually troubles us about gossip in a way that the usual worries about privacy, harm, and honesty never quite manage.


Ali Raza Jatoi is an independent researcher working across philosophy, number theory and computational methods.

Lessons from the Brazilian elections

Picture by acf.view
Picture by acf.view (https://instagram.com/acf.view?mdxt=aHg3NDg5MHJ5cWhq)

Brazil is at the second round of the election for President. My country is divided again by Lula and Flavio Bolsonaro supporters, who is the son of  Jair Bolsonaro.

In the first round, Deputes, Senators and Governors are chosen. In a surprise that shocked many, the extreme right wing, came out on top. Of the 81 seats in the Senate, Balsonaro’s Parido Liberal (PL), got 21, while Lula’s Work Party  (PT) only  6. PL has 121 elected candidates for Federal Deputy, which is the highest number achieved by a unique party since our democratic constitution was founded in 1988. PL also did best of any party in elections for State Governors in Brazil, with 5 so far, only in the first round.

Bolsonaro’s PL are, as many newspapers have confirmed, the biggest party at the moment, an electoral phenomenon. Behind this political phenomenon is a highly conservative agenda. It differs from conservatism of the Global North, which is obsessed with immigration, but in Bolsonaro’s case it is an attack on Brazilians: the poor; the Black population; indigenous people, women, the LGBTQIA+ community. It is an agenda against, social inclusion, to sum up in a simple phrase, Promising to transform Brazil by ending of the corruption and criminality, the majority of the Brazilian population have chosen the most corrupt, elitist, and criminal politicians in our history.

Just for a quick example, of many, Flavio Bolsonaro is himself involved in many schemes of money laundering, membership of a criminal organisation and violence.

Why are Brazilians are voting for such a candidate, who is not only intrinsically bad for everyone except for his family, but also instrumentally bad in terms of longer-term effects? Not only will he cut many social benefits, intensify violence, and reduce opportunities, he threatens to destroy our democracy.

Specialists, no doubt, will each have a favourite a list of reasons to understand this phenomenon, but one stands out as becoming ever more powerful: the role of the big tech in influencing our electoral process.

Meta is for instance temporarily blocked videos and posts from the left wing candidates, and put up other barriers for their online presence. As is well-known the algorithms are biased: the left  wing gets less attention, reduced viewing, and their posts are more restricted in their circulation.

On the other side, not only is the social media system boosting Flavio Bolsonaro, as it did his father in previous elections, but Bolonaro has armies of robots or fake accounts systematically posting and reposting his material.

Lula’s supporters take to the streets, colourfully and noisily mobilising behind him. But these demonstrations of support barely penetrate social media, unlike coverage in favour of his opponent. The social media bias, of course, a huge impact in his campaign, which is deliberately hobbled by Bolsanoro’s supporters. Many young politicians are fighting back, trying to revitalise Lula’s chances for the second round, such as Janones and Ana Elisa for the Workes Party, but the fact that Lula’s starting point was so unequal raises serious and urgent questions about the emerging underlying structure for elections, not just in Brazil but around the world.

And if there are different rules for different parties, and no clarity or enforcement of the rules of what is allowed in this new space (robots; fake news), are our elections fair? Who, in the end, is  choosing our candidates? This is a crisis of democracy, and like any crisis it needs urgent action. But what can be done, and who has power to do it. If the President can’t make elections fair, who can?

The next round of the election is coming fast: 25th of October. Lula supporters must hope that, for the sake of Brazil, he has a chance to get his message across despite the obstacles deliberately put in his way. But whatever the outcome later this month we need to debate a set of serious structural questions about the terms of democratic engagement, which directly and indirectly have such a profound effect on the lives of us all.

Missing the Animal for the Forest? The Limits of the ‘Rights of Nature’ Approach

This is a guest post by Pablo Serra Palao.

A photograph showing a large body of water surrounded by forested hills.
San Marcos Lagoon, Ecuador / Photo by Marcelo Trujillo from Pixabay

Philosophers are well aware of the tension between protecting ecosystems as a whole and defending the rights of individual sentient animals. Social movements and the general public are aware of it too, especially when a case of culling animals classified as ‘invasive species‘ gets coverage in mainstream media. Both ethical positions seem to have grown apart for some time, but could the increasing legal recognition of nature as a rights holder actually improve the legal treatment of individual animals?

The answer, as it turns out, is far messier than a simple yes or no. I argue that existing legal cases where rights of nature are recognised tend to perpetuate the tension between ecosystem-level protection and the rights of individual animals. But this need not be so.

The Estrellita case: setting the scene

Over the past two decades, legal systems around the world have begun to recognise nature in general, or specific ecosystems, as a rights holder. In so doing, they are pushing law beyond anthropocentrism and Western legal thought, at least on paper (see the UN Harmony with Nature Initiative for an overview of rights of nature cases globally).

However, the results are not what animal rights advocates would expect, and they can give rise to perplexing questions: Can a court recognise the rights to life and physical integrity of individual sentient animals and, at the same time, a human right to eat meat? Well, apparently, it can, and both were recognised under the umbrella of the rights of nature.

In 2022, the Constitutional Court of Ecuador ruled on a case originating from a habeas corpus action (a legal mechanism against unlawful detentions traditionally reserved for human individuals) filed in 2019 to defend a woolly monkey named Estrellita. Known as the Estrellita case, the Court saw an opportunity to clarify the content and scope of the rights of nature enshrined in the 2008 Ecuadorian Constitution (Art. 10 and 71 to 74), determining whether this framework also included individual animals as rights holders or, at least, individual wild animals.

A woolly monkey climbing a tree.
Woolly Monkey / Photo by Evgenia Kononova from Wikimedia

Where the tension lies

The Court tried to have it both ways, embracing holistic and individualistic approaches —that is, ecosystem-centred versus individual-centred. The Court stated that nature acquires the status of subject of rights from a system-based approach, encompassing all the biotic and abiotic elements that shape this ‘complex subject’. Yet the Court also held that sentient animals are rights holders and must be considered individually, not merely as components of ecosystems. It recognised the rights to life and physical integrity for all sentient animals and certain specific rights of wild animals, such as the right not to be hunted, fished, captured, trafficked, etc., and the right to free animal behaviour.

These are significant legal claims that, taken seriously, would change current human practices drastically. Yet the Court also introduced interpretive principles that pull in the opposite direction. According to the ecological interpretation principle, animal rights must be understood through the lens of biological interactions that maintain ecosystem balance. Under this logic, the Court stated that environmental authorities may eliminate ‘invasive species’, doing little to smooth out the alleged incompatibility between protecting the environment and respecting animal rights.

This principle also allows the Court to acknowledge that human food practices and domestication are part of these legitimate ‘biological interactions’ and, therefore, must be respected. However, this hardly describes today’s intensive livestock farming, embedded in capitalist dynamics of exploitation. The kind of domestication characteristic of this system does not seem to be a desirable biological interaction fundamental to ecosystem balance.

There is no human right to eat tofu, but neither to eat animals

The most striking piece of reasoning, though, is that the Court also recognises a human right to eat animals based on two reasons: a) humans are natural omnivores; and b) food is a biological condition of human beings and a legally protected human right. This reasoning is questionable.

First, the Court flirts with the naturalistic fallacy: the fact that humans are omnivores only means that we can feed on a wide variety of organisms, but it says nothing about what we ought to eat. And it says nothing about killing animals for food (especially if there are also strong moral reasons against doing it).

What we do have is a human right to food, which brings me to the second point. If we follow a needs-based approach to the philosophical foundation of rights (as the Court seems to do), the human right to food is grounded in the basic need for food and nutrition. But eating animals is just one existing means, among many others, to satisfy that basic need. It is important to distinguish between the basic need itself and the diverse means to satisfy it. Only the former grounds the existence of a right. Therefore, there is no such thing as a human right to eat animals any more than there is a right to eat tofu.

Better friends than foes, right?

The Estrellita case is just an example among many others. However, the lesson is not that the rights of nature and animal rights are inherently incompatible. Both serve the project of expanding legal consideration beyond the human.

But the case reveals that simply folding animal rights into the rights of nature does not resolve the deep disagreements between holistic and individualistic ethical positions. It may, instead, reproduce those disagreements inside the law, quietly overriding the possibility of improving the legal treatment of animals individually considered. If we want to take both frameworks seriously, we also need to confront hard legal-philosophical questions. If rights are legal artifacts that serve to protect individuals so they can live together in society, is our current understanding of legal rights well suited for such a complex subject, i.e., ‘nature’? Legal rights, as artifacts, can change and adapt, but they are also embedded in a long history that has shaped its concept, content, and scope. Beyond the recognition of rights itself, interpretation and legal reasoning play a prominent role. The coherence of our legal systems depends on getting these and other questions right.


Pablo Serra-Palao is a PhD Candidate and Predoctoral Fellow in legal philosophy at Comillas Pontifical University (Madrid, Spain), and has written on topics including ecological justice, green criminology, and animal rights theory.

This post is based on the author’s open-access article ‘Naturaleza, animales, derechos: encuentros y desencuentros en la Corte Constitucional del Ecuador’