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On Striking as a Privilege

As the readers of this blog probably already know, UK-based academics have been on strike for five days over the past two weeks, and the industrial action is likely to escalate further. The current dispute concerns pensions, is quite major, and many good things have been written about it – including, and indeed especially, by other political theorists.

The question I would like to address here has less to do with the specifics of the current dispute and more with a general point that circulates among fellow-academics – and philosophers in particular – nearly every time the possibility of a strike is raised: are we, as comparatively privileged workers, justified in striking to keep and sometimes even improve our privileged status? The point is made in a particularly forceful manner when strike for pay is at stake, but is actually equally relevant to pensions – after all, UK academics are currently striking to defend their current defined benefit pension plan, and the very fact of being in a defined benefit pension scheme (even if one whose conditions have worsened over time) is a rare luxury these days.

Over the last two weeks, I have myself been suspiciously quiet about the fact that I am on strike in many of my daily interactions. This is especially the case with people who might reasonably regard my being on strike as a luxury – such as the carers at my daughter’s nursery, who are on minimum wage, do not get sick pay, and could not even dream of being in a union. That is, I feel self-conscious not only about what I am striking for, but about the very fact of being on strike: just that, in itself, feels like a privilege.

And yet I have little symapathy for the argument that academics should not strike; indeed I believe that too much self-reflection on our relatively privileged status is a display of complacency rather than virtue.

So, why do the comparatively privileged have a claim to strike?

  1. Because it’s either us or nobody else. The practice of withdrawing labour comes well before the establishment of the right to do so within a framework of labour law: the first strikers were engaging in industrial action at their own risk. Then, at least in Europe, strike has (fortunately) become a right. In so doing, it has come to be perceived as something that requires certain some guarantees to be in place: strong union-friendly legislation, the guarantee that one will not lose one’s job over industrial activity, etc. But as labour standards – after a steady improve over the golden era of the welfare state (apologies for the oversimplification) – have been deteriorating again in OECD countries over the last decades, this right has become less of a universal guarantee and more of a privilege of the few who still enjoy a permanent and secure contract, robust labour guarantees, the luck of working in strongly unionized sector, etc. If you come to see something as a right (and rightly so, don’t get me wrong!), then something is obviously problematic when only some enjoy it, and on arbitrary grounds at that. The question of whether those privileged few should exercise a right which others are deprived of has some prima facie legitimacy. But we are not doing atypical and vulnerable workers any favour by not exercising our right to strike. We are only actively contributing to erasing striking from the toolkit of progressive politics. If the very idea of striking is to stay alive, the last thing to do is tell those who can still strike relatively safely that it is bad taste of them to do so. Of course, we want to find ways of enabling those who are even much more vulnerable than us to engage in industrial action again, and this is a tricky task to say the least – but making industrial action a vestige of the past is certainly not a sensible way of achieving said aim.
  2. Because the benefits we would be giving up on would exacerbate, not mitigate, inequality. Yes, the demand for a pay increase that reasonably follows the trajectory of growth and inflation, and for keeping a defined benefit pension scheme, are a privilege of the few these days. But we all know perfectly well that we are not being asked to give up on those in order to redistribute down. By refusing to resist, we would only contribute to making inequality steeper.
  3. Because it is about relational goods. For decades now, academics have been asked again and again to do a little bit more, a little bit better, for a little bit less – and often with no good justification. Whether or not there are workers whose conditions are incomparably worse, this is not a way to treat people in the workplace and ought to be resisted, period.
  4. Because it is about showing disobedience, defiance and will to fight back. UK universities are increasingly run like businesses, with all the problems that this entails – short termism, disregard for the specific nature of higher education, job insecurity, hierarchy in decision-making, and the treatment of staff as disposable goods being only some of them. Those of us who can still do so without bearing prohibitive costs should simply engage in all the push backs they can. The idea that workers should just shut up, get their heads down, and get s%&t done must encounter resistance.

Are there other reasons why the comparatively privileged should strike? Or are there other, stronger objections to the right of the relatively privileged to strike which deserve a fair hearing?


Miriam Ronzoni

Miriam is a Reader in Political Theory at the University of Manchester. She mainly works on global socio-economic justice, republicanism and non-domination beyond borders (at the EU as well as global level), problems of justification and method in theorizing about justice, and feminism.


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  1. K

    ‘the benefits we would be giving up on would exacerbate, not mitigate, inequality’ guess it depends what you mean by inequality but if someone’s earning well over median income seems to me reducing their income lowers inequality even if you don’t give the money to lower earners

    • Miriam Ronzoni

      Hi K,
      Even if it makes those at the top richer and even more powerful?

  2. K


    IF academics’ higher-than-average pay is purely a cost borne by the rich and not by lower-paid workers (which seems rather contestable) then reducing it (hence further enriching the rich and leaving everyone else as they were) increases concentration of income. I’m not familiar with numerical definitions of inequality but it’s not immediately clear to me it increases inequality, or that someone in the bottom half of the distribution would have a preference either way on that basis. I agree it further concentrates power and I suppose almost everyone can agree that’s bad.

    But it seems more likely to me that some of the ‘extra’ pay (above median income) comes from the rich and some of it from other workers (through higher fees and taxes).

  3. Pierre-Etienne Vandamme

    Thank you for this interesting post. One possible additional reason to encourage the strike is that it can raise awareness of the importance of unions and strikes among academics. I don’t know British academics, but some of my colleagues could use this reminder of the importance of workers’ solidarity.

  4. Angus H

    Hi Miriam,

    Another consideration might be that, while not everyone could have an above average income, it would be possible for all workers to be in a defined benefit pension scheme i.e. one that provided a guaranteed level of pension income based on employee contributions. Even if not all private employers could afford this, there could be a comprehensive state scheme. So the strike is to defend a principle that could be extended generally, rather than about entitlement to a positional good. And of course, DB pensions are still common for all kinds of public service workers in the UK, some of whom are relatively less well paid. If DB pensions are ended in HE then then it is likely they will come under threat elsewhere too.

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